Europe’s image - Elcano Royal Institute

Theme: How is Europe perceived outside its borders and those of the United States?

Summary: It is well known that Europe has ‘internal’ communication difficulties. The EU does not have a ‘face’, a figurehead or political symbol that unequivocally identifies it. If this is true within the EU itself, then what about elsewhere? Europe is the ‘metrosexual’ superpower, which has renounced military and aggressive supremacy as embodied by the US. This stereotype, which was already part of Europe’s self-image as a ‘civilian power’ in the 60s, has returned to the fore. As Europeans, we think that our continent may have been strengthened by the US’s image crisis. But is this the case? How is Europe perceived outside its own borders and those of the United States?

Analysis

Introduction

The Image of Europe initiative was launched during the Netherlands’ presidency of the European Union. It consisted of a presentation and debate in Brussels organised by the Foreign Policy Centre in London and Dutch architect Rem Koolhas, who in 2001 was already at the helm of the Brussels Capital of Europe working group. The aim was to reflect upon the EU’s image, not only among the citizens of Member States, but also among those abroad.

The Dutch proposal deserves praise. It is well-known that Europe has ‘internal’ communication difficulties. The confusion among EU citizens in regard to the Union is caused by its state of permanent changes, the dispersion of its various institutions and the lack of symbols and political figures to feed the collective imagination. This is a problem of invisibility, not lack of notoriety, since the EU has increased its media presence in Member States (see Piening, ‘The Absent Image of the European Union’, in The Image, the State and International Relations, London School of Economics). The EU does not have a ‘face’, a recognisable political figurehead or symbol that identifies it unequivocally, but a cacophony of politicians and institutions making statements and performing actions that are often in contradiction to each other (see Claes de Wreese, Communicating Europe, Foreign Policy Centre). Perhaps some of the reforms in the new Constitutional Treaty will mitigate these difficulties.

If this is true within the EU itself, then what about elsewhere? There is no doubt that the Iraq war has marked a turning point in the US’s image, but the same is true of Europe, although perhaps not in the direction which we Europeans expect, since we assume that our image in the US has declined. As asserted by Wayne Merry (International Herald Tribune, 28/XII/2004), Europe’s attention to the US is not a two-way street, since the United States is more focused on other regions in the wake of communism’s fall. This unrequited interest is the cause, and not the consequence, of the distancing of positions in regard to the Iraq war. Old Europe’s stance on the war, above and beyond contextual histrionics, has had no impact on the US’s perception of Europe, because the eyes of the US were actually already looking elsewhere.

By comparison, the war on Iraq has probably had a greater impact on Europeans’ self-image. The Iraq war led some analysts to a semantic dichotomy: post-modernity vs. modernity, Venus vs. Mars, soft power vs. hard power… Europe vs. the US. Europe is the ‘metrosexual’ superpower (see Parag Khanna, ‘The Metrosexual Superpower’, Foreign Policy, July-August 2004), which rejects the military and aggressive supremacy embodied by the United States. This stereotype, which was already part of Europe’s self-image as a ‘civilian power’ in the 60s (see Duchene and others), has returned to the fore. As Europeans, we think our continent may have been strengthened by the US’s image crisis. But is this really the case? How is Europe perceived outside its own borders and those of the United States?

Knowledge and Valuation of Europe

Let us examine the data provided by the Pew Global Attitudes Project in 2003, which compiled opinions about Europe and the US from various regions worldwide. In the midst of the Iraq crisis, we might expect to find significant differences between the valuation of Europe and that of the United States, but this is not the case. In countries such as Russia, where the opinion of the US is good, the same is true of Europe. The value resulting from subtracting negative opinions from positive ones is 38 for the US and 44 for Europe.

In areas, such as Arab countries, where a negative opinion of the US prevails, there is also suspicion in regard to Europe:

In Jordan, the US scores -52 and the EU -58.
In Pakistan, -22 and -14, respectively.
And even in Morocco, -27 and -10, respectively.

The sole exception is Turkey, where the score is positive for Europe (23) and negative for the United States (-23).

Figure 1. Valuation Scores for the US and EU in Various Countries (% Positive Responses Minus % Negative Responses)

Source: PGAP-2004 and own data.

Either due to the effects of the clash of civilizations, which considers the West a homogeneous block, or due to European countries’ participation in the Iraq war, the fact is that the Arab countries surveyed by Pew do not rate the EU very differently from the US.

Yet this is not an isolated incident, at least not according to recent data from Focus Eurolatino/Latinobarómetro. The average in Latin America does not seem to show a trade-off between the US and the EU. The percentages of positive scores obtained by both powers are very similar: 64% and 59%.

However, these scores are not distributed homogeneously, since there is greater consensus with regard to the EU than with regard to the United States. The worst of the US’s scores are by far those of South America (55%) and the best those of Central America (80%), although the country which affords it by far the worst overall rating is Mexico (42%).

Aside from these differences, this first impression of similarity between Europe and the United States is confirmed if we cross the two scores individually. On average, only 15% of people have a positive image of the EU and a negative one of the US. Most (60%) are pro-American and pro-European.

Figure 2. Latin America: Opinion with Respect to the EU and the US

Source: PGAP-2004 and own data.

There is no doubt that these scores conceal significant country-to-country differences. Anti-American Europeanism peaks in Argentina (37%). Another recent survey, performed by the research body Nueva Mayoría, suggested that 63% of Argentines have a favourable opinion of Europe, whereas 21% hold the US in good esteem.

Going back to the Latinobarómetro, one of every three Mexicans (30%) is pro-European and anti-American. But it is also true that in these regional powers there is also more rejection towards Europe. The percentages of anti-Americans and, simultaneously, anti-Europeans, are 29% in Argentina and 28% in Mexico. Is this an anti-imperialistic phenomenon resulting from the colonial past? In any event, it is a feeling which extends to other countries, such as Brazil and Bolivia.

Attributes of the EU Brand vs. the US Brand

Consequently, for the average Arab or Latin American citizen, Europe may not be the antithesis of the United States. And this, let us not forget, despite the Iraq war, which is still having an impact on public opinion.

It also appears that the United States is outperforming Europe not only in the political arena but also in the socio-economic field. In the same Latinobarómetro to which we are referring, people were asked about the power which contributed most to promoting democracy and peace, and also to helping development and free trade.

Probably due to the effect of the Iraq war, the United State’s edge over the EU was higher in the socio-economic area than in the political field. On average, in Latin America, 36% of the population mentioned the US before Europe (16%) as the driving force behind aid to development. And 43% associated free trade with the United States, vs. 13% who associated it with Europe.

On the political front, although the United States still outstrips the EU, the gap has narrowed:

37% referred to the US as promoters of democracy, whereas 27% mentioned the EU.
36% referred to the US as promoters of peace, whereas 24% mentioned the EU.

It is perhaps this second item of information that is most surprising in the wake of Iraq. But the same survey indicates that, after football, Latin Americans associate Europe most closely with wars.

On the political front, differences are smaller because the variation once again emerges between Mexico and South America on the one hand and Central America on the other. In the first block, especially Mexico, the valuation of Europe’s role in promoting democracy and upholding peace is better than or equal to that of the United States.

Figure 3. Latin America: Attributes of the EU Brand vs. the US Brand

(%)	South America	Central America	Mexico	Average
Democracy	EU	33	16	54	27
US	28	54	20	37

Peace	EU	29	16	46	24
US	27	52	20	36

Development	EU	19	11	24	16
US	28	51	29	36

Free trade	EU	16	8	21	13
US	33	60	33	43

Source: PGAP2004 and own data.

But it is worth noting that, in any event, excluding the Iraq effect, on the economic front the perception of Europe as a protectionist block, widespread among the Latin American elite (see M. Ortega), benefits the United States.

It is also worth mentioning that, whatever aspect is under consideration, as the level of knowledge about the EU increases, so does the EU’s rating in all four areas.

Figure 4. EU Ratings According to Degree of Knowledge

Source: PGAP2004 and own data.

Consequently, those best informed about Europe have a more favourable opinion, more in line with that of the United States. However, whatever the aspect, the degree of information on the EU does not alter the valuation of the United States at all, which is surprising, especially in regard to the issue of peace, where the divisions between Europe and the US deriving from the Iraq crisis have been highly visible.

Figure 5. Valuation of the US and the EU Based on Degree of Knowledge

Source: PGAP2004 and own data.

Some European readers are likely to be amazed. If it serves as consolation, they are not alone. There is no doubt that in image studies the most interesting exercise is to compare one’s self-image with the perception of others. As the Latinobarómetro questionnaire was also distributed by Spain’s Centre for Sociological Research (CIS), we can compare the vision of Europe from abroad with the internal vision, in this case that of Spaniards.

Figure 6. EU and US: Vision in Latin America and in Spain

	Vision in Latin America	Vision in Spain
Democracy	EU	27	65
USA	37	7

Peace	EU	24	62
USA	36	5

Development	EU	16	48
USA	36	10

Free trade	EU	13	43
USA	43	13

Source: For Latin America, Latinobarómetro 2004, and for Spain Study no. 2571 (2004) by CIS.

Whatever the aspect under consideration, it is difficult to imagine a greater distance between image abroad and self-image.

Spain Brand and Europe Brand: Cannibalisation or Synergy?

How to sell the Europe brand? We started out by saying that the EU brand, whether inside the Union or outside it, lacks visible and recognisable icons. Well, in Latin America, Spain seems to emerge as the most visible face of Europe.

In the first place, Spain is most widely recognised as being a European country. When asked about EU Member States, 36% of Latin American citizens spontaneously cited Spain, ie, significantly more (almost 10 points more) than founding countries such as France (28%), Italy (26%) and Germany (25%).

Furthermore, entering into the attributes of the EU brand, Spain is perceived as the most democratic European country, some way behind the quintessential European democracies, namely the United Kingdom and France.

Figure 7. Perceived as the Most Democratic Country (%)